Nuba Courtship - Otoro and Heiben
Until they were ten or eleven years old the daily
life of boys and girls were quite similar, but when the girl’s breasts
began to fill out and the boy’s pubic hair began to grow their ways diverged.
About this time the girl’s commenced spending their nights in the girl’s
huts, called luru in Heiben villages and kur in Otoro communities.
The girls themselves, well before their first menstruation, decided when
they would start sleeping in the girls’ hut. Five to eight girls occupied
one hut and neither they nor their lovers seemed to mind this lack of privacy.
After receiving the visits of their various lovers or fiancees in their
hut, the girls became engaged.
S.F. Nadel said, “The prospect of receiving these
visits and indulging in sexual play which forms part of courtship is indeed
the acknowledged reason for this segregation of girls. Shame forbade them
to receive their lovers in the parents’ house, while in the kur they were
free from all supervision.” Virginity was very vaguely appreciated.
The life of young men didn’t change much. At about
11 they graduated from the age-grade status of nyare or boy and began to
bear the name of the first age group dongoro or novice. They also began
to live in the boys’ huts. Another change was in the choosing the adult
name of his fancy.
Boys of thirteen to fifteen looked around for
a bride among the eight to twelve years old girls. They got to know one
another out on the fields or at the various dances and ceremonies which
united people of different communities. When the couple found one another
they kept the arrangement private for a couple of months. The boy visited
his girl at night in the girls’ hut where she slept for chatting and sex
play. The conventional petting included squeezing the breasts, even when
undeveloped, of the girl, and what the Otoro call ‘petting of the pubic
apron’. He gave her small gifts of beads, ochre or scent and the girl responded
by giving him gifts in return. At dances she singled out her new lover
and at tribal sports she watched him proudly. At big gatherings they would
disappear into the bushes and when the boy returned with a streak of ochre
on his chest, his age mates made good natured fun of him. Otoro and Heiben
boys were not constant lovers, if their advances were not reciprocated
within two or three months, or if he was jilted, he turned to someone else.
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There were many dances of young men and girls,
which formed an essential part of Nuba social life during the dry season.
At some dances, boys wore war paint, the novice painting their entire body
white. Girls danced with boys who sing age-grade songs. At sunset the dance
broke up and the boys returnd to their hut to drink beer and eat corn gruel
and curd. Girls also had parties at their huts, timed so that boys and
girls feasts coincided and visits could be made between the huts. |
To marry his girl, Otoro boys first recieved the
consent of the bride-to be, and the approval of his own parents. The boy
would then ask the girl’s permission to speak with her parents. He then
carried on negotiations over a period of a few months with the girl’s father.
He made informal visits and eventually broached the subject. The father
signified his agreement by accepting a gift from his future son-in-law.
The initial present was followed by a second gift, which was considered
part of the bride price proper. This transaction established the marriage
contract and the man and the girl were considered formally betrothed.
Engagement meant more than a conventional contract
and marriage less than final consummation, which took place as the girl
matured. The engagement symbolized by the first bride-price payment established
exclusivity to sexual intimacy. Before the engagement girls were free to
bestow sexual intimacies freely on many friends. Girls sometimes objected
to boys petting her in the girls’ hut if there had been no engagement,
and if she did so, the would-be lover would have been required to stop
and her lover could do nothing. Once engaged if the bridegroom found her
with another boy he was within his rights to fight and beat up the interloper.
Once the engagement was formal he was entitled to beat her until she submitted
to sexual intimacies. By custom he was not supposed to engage in intercourse
until after the marriage ceremony, but it sometime happened that the girl
became pregnant. Otoro and Heiben girls were all familiar with ways of
preventing conception. If she did become pregnant, the parents hurried
up the marriage and pressed for the remainder of the bride price to be
paid. As girls married as soon as they were mature, pre-marital pregnancy
was not a common problem.
The time between engagement and formal marriage
was filled by a series of payments and gifts over a two to five year period
which made up the bride price. The final criterion for fixing the time
of the marriage ceremony was judged by the development of the girl’s breasts.
When the groom felt his girl was mature, they proceeded with the ceremony.
Nevertheless, the social recognition of marriage was only realized two
or three years after the marriage ceremony, usually with the first pregnancy.
In Heiben communities the last step of courtship
took the form of a ritual capture of the bride. The girl continued to sleep
in the girls’ hut until the day of her capture. Her mother warned her and
she knew just what to expect. On the day of her capture, the bridegroom
collected four or five friends, all young unmarried men and went out to
kidnap the bride. The bride, accompanied by her girlfriends fought tooth
and nail and resisted as best as she could. Eventually the men chased away
the other girls and carried the kicking bride to the house of her future
mother-in-law. There she spent the day being ‘convinced’ and finally agreeing,
returned to her mother’s house on the same evening, from which she would
be married.
All of these rules of courtship applied
only to young or youngish men. Older men who may have been marrying their
third or fourth wife rarely bothered to woo their future wife. The marriage
was arranged between the suitor and the girl’s father and courtship was
reduced largely to financial transactions. The girls often, but not always,
repudiated engagements of this kind, whereupon the disappointed bridegroom
sued her family for return of the bride price.
Source
Nadel, S.F. 1947. The Nuba: An anthropological
study of the hill tribes in Kordofan. London: Oxford University Press